piektdiena, 2012. gada 23. marts

Urban elements of Arabic – Islamic cities in the Old City of Nablus

    Some time have passed and I am becoming nostalgic and I miss my time in Nablus, so I decided to upload a little tribute to Nablus. It is a part of my study project about fabulous Nablus, an attempt to get familiar with the local culture, traditions, history and life!

     The most important value of the Old city can be found in its configuration. Square, streets and paths are oldest and most lasting elements of a city (Hohmann, 2003).
     Because of that author will focus on the urban elements described by Besim Selim Hakin which could found in the Old city of Nablus and create its configuration in order to find out could Old city of Nablus be considered as an Arabic – Islamic city. 

Sur (walls)
     Apart from the defence requirements of the population walls represented barriers to dust-laden winds coming from a variety of directions depending on the time of day or season of the year. (Roberts, 1979).
Nablus never had city walls like Jerusalem, for example, so the city’s labyrinth-like design functioned as a defense (Palestine Monitor, 2007). Despite that, as we can see in (figure 1), there use to be a wall surrounding the city from the Roman period which served for this purpose, but as we can see in ( figure 2), nowdays there are no signs of it.


               Figure 1. Archeological heritage from Romans (Hohmann, 2003)

Bab (gates)
     The Old city of Nablus used to have two gates. The place where use to be Western gate we can see in figure 2,   the Eastern gate used to be right after Al Kabir Mosque


                                    Figure 2.  Western end of the Old city of Nablus (Jansons, 2011)

Burj (burdj) 
     These are the fortified towers which are strategically located along the ramparts and form part of the defence system; (Hakim, 1986)
      There is no remains of Burj at the Old city of Nablus althought it is claimed that there used to be guard towers next to the city gates.

Street Network
     The system of street network is composed of:
(a)    First order streets which make up the backbone of the system and connect all major city gates (Bab) with the core of Medina where the major city mosque and surrounding Suqs are located (Hakim, 1986).
     In the example of Nablus, the backbone of street network is remained from Roman period (figure 1). There are two main east-west street: Al-Khan Street and Al-Nasser Street, which form the spine of the historic centre, and the streets between them are a functional focal point of the historic centre. Commerce and services are concentrated here (figures 3, 4)

                        Figure 3. Al Khan street between Fajr and Dhuhr prayers (Jansons, 2011)

                                          Figure 4. Al Khan street in afternoon (Jansons, 2011)

(b)    Second order streets which could be identified as major quarters (Mahalla) streets: these streets are the main access routes within and between adjacent quarters (figure 5). They tend to form shortcuts across the first-order streets (Hakim, 1986).

                                     Figure 5. Second order street – Al Qaryun street (Jansons, 2011)

(c)    Third order streets which could be identified as minor quarter streets. These provide access and linkages to areas within quarters which are not serviced by second-order streets (figure 6). They tend to be used by people belonging to the quarter or others who require frequent contacts there (Hakim, 1986).

                            Figure 6. Third order street in Al – Yasmineh quarter (Jansons, 2011)

     Another characteristic is system of private cul-de-sacs which lead to the entrances and further into courtyard houses (figure 7).

                                 Figure 7. Cul-de-sac in Al –Qaysaryeh quarter (Jansons, 2011)

Bat’ha (public square or public space)
        In Arabic – Islamic cities one of the characteristics is relative lackness of open spaces because of the couryards which create areas of semi – public spaces (figure 8;9).  Another explanation is given by Roberts (1979) who claims that:  „open space represented inhospitable areas of heat, dust and sun glare”
       Nowdays, because of the increasing car ownership and lack of parking spaces many of the open spaces serve as a parking lots.


                                    Figure 8.
Open space in Al – Qaryun quarter (Jansons, 2011)

                     Figure 9. Open space at Y junction in fornt of Al – Kabir Mosque (Jansons, 2011)

Musalla 

      The term means a place where the Salat (prayer) is performed. It also refers to a space allocated for this purpose within a public or private building. However, its use at the city scale refers to a large open area outside the Medina walls and within walking distance of it, used primarily for prayers on the occasions of the Eid al – Fitr and Eid al-Adha festivals. The Musalla is usually large enough to accomodate the adult male population of the town and it has a low wall provided with a Mihrab to indicate the direction of Qibla. There might also be a built – in – elevated place for the Khatib to deliver the sermon (Hakim, 1986).
       As a gathering place where most of the events, demonstration and other kind of events are being hold is Duwwar. It is the townsquare right next to the Old city of Nablus (figure 10).

     Figure 10. Gathering in the Duwwar regarding statehood application of Palestine (Jansons, 2011)

Maqbara (public cemetary)

     There is no Maqbara directly in the Old city of Nablus. As the main Maqbara of the city for a long period of time served the maqbara near the Old campus of An – Najah National University few hundred meters north - west from the Old city of Nablus (figure 11). There is also a maqbara few hundred meters form the East gate.

                            Figure 11. Maqbara North – west from the Old City (Jansons, 2011)

Khazzan (water storage facility)

     As the main water sources in the Old city of Nablus were private or semipublic water springs and massasas in the Old city of Nablus.  Execpt for that there is a facility that could be considered as a Khazzan (figure 12).

                                    Figure 12. Khazzan in the Old city of Nablus (Jansons, 2011)

Khandaq

     The term is used to refer to a moat around the city walls, or, to the main sewe lines that collected the city’s sewers (Hakim, 1986)
     An urban element that could be considered as a khandaq is located in the Al - Qaisaryeh quarter, where the main Roman street Damascanus was.  Beneath the Zafer Al Masri school  an old Roman water system can be found.  It can be dated back to 69 CE (Nablus Municipality, 2011).
     During the Second Intifiada fighters used to hide there. It is also believed that using the old water system it is possible to get in every place within the Old city of Nablus (figure 13).

              Figure 13. Way to the old Roman water system in the Old city of Nablus (Jansons, 2011)

Mahalla
     The quarters that housed people of a common ethnic or socio – cultural/tribal background. The origin of the word is Mahall which means a place, such as place where one stops to camp (Hakim, 1986).
     Al-Balad Al-Qadima, as the Old City is called in Arabic, consists of six main quarters (figure 14;15), each of which is related to one of the powerful families who controlled Nablus in the past (Palestine, Monitor, 2007)

                                  Figure 14. Little kids in Al – Yasmineh quarter (Jansons, 2011)

                       Figure 15. Residential quarters in the Old City of Nablus (Source:Abdelhamid, 2011)

     The residential quarters are very important element of Islamic – Arabic city and the society itself. One explanation of that  is offered by Morris (1994) who claim that:
     In terms of urban development entirely new cities were not as significant as the more common pattern of establishing a separate Arab neighborhood outside of existing ancient cities. Inhabited by different ethnic, social and religios groups, the Arab sections and the traditional city soon were divided. This division remained for several centuries until an Islamic urban society emerged as the result of the transformation of the Arab tribal and kinship organization into a complex, differentiated society. It was Islamic because religios communities evolved based upon schools of Islamic law, creating a new context for organizing Muslim social and religious life.
     Roberts (1979) adds that residential quarters had importance of factions in city life - Very often these factions transcended urban/rural boundaries more readily than they did residential quarter boundaries. Thus movement between a rural area and certain quarters of towns was more common than movement between quarters, suggesting that each community had access to other urban environments even within the same city.
     Because of the lack of research regarding this issues and language barrier author don’t have information about the historical evolution and development of the social structure of the Old city of Nablus and author cannot confirm or deny the claims by Morris or Roberts. Also the quarters of Old City of Nablus do not represent that diverse social profile as, for example, Jerusalem (Muslim, Jewish, Christian and Armenian quarter).
     Neverthless as Hohmann (2003) claims- although a social change took place in these quarters during the last century they have maintained their importance as residential areas.


Major city Mosque (jami)
     A.J.E. Morris (1994) in his book History of Urban Form Before the Industrial Revolution quotes Welch, who offers quite romantici description of the role of mosque: „the mosque is not exclusively place for prayer, but also a meeting place or forum where the city’s news are exchanged. It is centre of religious education where children and adults of all conditions sit in circle, frequently after nightfall to chant the Qur’an or to listen to the teaching of a faqih; often it is a refuge where beggars, vagabonds and the oppressed can find shelter and asylum and receive the alms or food generously dispensed by the community at places of worship.”
The main mosque of Nablus is Al – Kabir Mosque which used to be a Roman basilica (figure 16). This is the place where the five daily prayers take place.

                               Figure 16.  Al – Kabir Mosque in the Old city of Nablus (Jansons, 2011)

Local mesjeds
     Besides the main mosque Al – Kabir, there are 10 more mosques in the Old city of Nablus (figure 17, 18, 19).
Al – Yasmeneh quarter: Al – Khader Mosque; Al – Khadra Mosque and Al – Satoon Mosque
Al – Gharb quarter: Al – Hanbali Mosque and Al – Beik Mosque
Al – Qaryun quarter:  Al – Tineh Mosque and Al – Nasser Mosque
Al – Habaleh quarter: Al – Anbiya Mosque and Sa’d Al – Din Mosque
Al – Agabeh quarter: Ajaj Mosque

                             Figure 17. Al – Anbiya mosque in Al – Habaleh quarter (Jansons, 2011)

                           Figure 18.  Al – Nasser Mosque in the Old city of Nablus (Jansons, 2011)

                   Figure 19. Location of Mosques in the Old city of Nablus (Source: Abdelhameed, 2011)

     Besides the important role in the society, culture and organization of life, the minarets of the mosques also play very important role in the structure of the Arabic – Islamic city since often they are the only landmarks. It is also worth mentioning that there is a Protestant Church at the Western entrance to the Old city of Nablus and Greek Orthodoc Church on Al – Nasser street.

Madrasa
     Although previously by term madrassa institution where Islamic law and sciences were studied nowdays it is equivalent to the simple edutation institution like the one in figure 20. Schools are usually modern implementation in the Old City of Nablus although Al – Fatamiya school at the western edge of the Old city has a history dated back to Ottoman period.

                       Figure 20. Zafer Al – Masri school in Al – Qaysaryeh quarter (Jansons, 2011)

Zawiya
    In the Maghrib countries this term is applied to a building, or group of buildings, of a religious nature, which resembles a monastery and a school. The literal meaning of the term is corner, and in this context it originated from its meaning as applied to a corner of a building. A common thing for devout men was to live permanently in the mosque, for example within the base of the minaret or in a cell, which was also used for study or meditation (Hakim, 1986).
    It is not very common element in the Old City of Nablus. Despite that it is possible to find a place like in figure 21, that could be described as Zawiya.

                                              Figure 21. Zawiya in the Old city of Nablus (Jansons, 2011)

Marabout, Murabit
      The term Marabout is the Europeanized version of the Arabic Murabit. In the early period of Islamic expansion the term was used to describe the man who dedicates his life to the Jihad, for defending and spreading islam. He would be attached to one of many Ribats or military fortifications spread across the frontiers of the Islamic world (Hakim, 1986).
      Searching for the urban element Marabout (Murabit) wasn’t easy since most of the people from Nablus didn’t recognize this term at the beginning. Probably because there have never been such an element in the Old city of Nablus. Neverthless author was informed that most of the men who dedicated themselves to the Islam used to live in the caves at the top of Ebal mountain (figure 22).

                           Figure 22. Mount Ebal looking form the Old city of Nablus (Jansons, 2011)

Turba (private cemetaries)
     There are several graves of important or rich citizens of Nablus within the Old city of Nablus. One of them can be seen in the figure 23.

                          Figure 23. Grave of rich citizen in the Old city of Nablus (Jansons, 2011)

Suq

a)    The major Suq area around Jami  - since the major mosque (Al – Kabir mosque) is located between the main thoroughfares (Al – Nasser street and Al-Hanbali street) is it surrounded by commercial activities. The streets between them are a functional focal point of the historic centre. Commerial activities and services occur in a well preserved traditional form (figure 24)

                         Figure 24. Commercial activities next to the Al – Kabir mosque (Jansons, 2011)

b)    The linear continuous or semi-continous Suq:  the two main thoroughfares Al – Nasser street and Al Hanbali street are most important. Althought there linear suq network is more complex (figure 25). As can be seen in figure 29,  in the Al Khan street also Al – Tujar Caravansery is located.

                              Figure 25. Covered streets in Old city of Nablus (Hohmann, 2003)

c)    Suqs which occur adjacent to major gates (Bab) of the city: In the example of the Old city of Nablus there is no Suq near Western gate, meanwhile there is an active commercial life near the Eastern gate on Salah Din Street which works as an extension of the main thoroughfares. There is also a market of different sort of goods few hundre meters from the the place where Eastern gate used to be (figure 26).

                                        Figure 26. Market near Eastern gate (Jansons, 2011)

d) Weekls or seasonal markets – there are no market areas in Nablus that would fit this diescription.
e) Suwaiqas - In every quarter, hidden from the main traffic flow of thoroughfares, there a small activity centers located usually on the second or third order streets where the basic goods and services are available (figure 27).

                         Figure 27 . Neighborhood shop in Al – Yasmineh  quarter (Jansons, 2011)

      One interesting thing of the commercial centres is the division and location of trades. As described by Roberts (1979) - the commercial areas of the town were usually to be found on either side of the main thoroughfares, because of the ready access which they afforded out of and between locations in the town. The concantration of craft types together, was often caused by the need for different craftsmen to complete individual process in the making of a product which had several stages of work involved in its composition. Bookbinders, scribes and carpet makers were therefore often found near the centres, with those crafts concerned with rural activities such as tanneries, blacksmiths being located near the gates. This left other craft industries such as carpenters, tailors or jewellers concentrated between the two.
     Once author tried to document the commercial activities and services that are located on the two main thoroughfares. Author counted 195 commercial activities and services on the Al Nasser Street, not including dozens of street vendors. The commercial activities varied from groceries, vegtables&fruits, cafe houses, home appliances and goods, pharmaceuticals, mobile phone accessuaries etc. Also observations confirmed that near the mosques (espeically Al-Nasser or Al – Khabir mosque) the profile of goods changes. More prestigeous goods like antique, bookstore or textile are available.
     Meanwhile on Al – Khan street author counted 256 bussinessies like sweets, clothes, shoes, groceries, meat, money exchange, olive oil factories, carpenters etc.

Wekala
     Caravanserais (Wekala) or large courtyards, were used for unloading pack animals and these were usually located off the main thoroughfares with access to the backs of these properties which fronted the streets. Not unnaturally these courtyards became centres of light industry at the points where raw materials were most readily available, so that a second location for industrial land usage, apart from the creaft stalls themselves, grew up. The animated nature of its commercial sections and the awareness of a rich texture of human contact and activity were, and in some cases still are, the very life force of Islamic urbanism (Roberts, 1979).
     There are 2 caravanseries (wekalas) in the Old city of Nablus. They can be seen in figures 28, 29 and 30. The wekala in figure 28 was destroyed during the Second Intifiadaand currently is being reconstructed.

                Figure 28. Al-Wekala (khan; caravansery) during reconstruction (Jansons, 2011)

                                               Figure 29. Wekala on Al – Khan Street (Jansons, 2011)

        Figure 30. Location of Wekala (khans) in the Old city of Nablus (Source: Abdelhameed, 2011)

Hammam
     The term means a location or place for cleaning oneself. However, in popular use, it denoted a public or private bath with emphasis on the former, because in traditional Arabic-Islamic cities only an extreme minority had Hammams within their houses. In Europe te term denotes a steam bath, still referred to as Turkish bath (and in French as bain maure) (Hakim, 1986).

     There are 8 Hammas in the Old city of Nablus (figure 31):
Al – Yasmeneh neighborhood: Al – Sumara; Al – Hadida (figure 32) and Al – Qadi
Al – Qaryun neighborhood: Tamimi and Al  - Rishah
Al – Habaleh neighborhood: Al – Khalili
Al – Aqabeh neighborhood: Al –Baydara and Al - Darajeh

          Figure 31. Location of Hammams in the Old City of Nablus (Source:Abdelhameed, 2011)

                                         Figure 32. Al – Hadida Hammam (Jansons, 2011)

Mida’at
      The term refers to a facility which is used for Wudu or ablution as prescribed for Muslims before prayer. One of the Prophet’s sayings: „Idjalu matahirakum ala abwabi amadjidikum”  (locate your ablution facilities at the door of your mosques) was the general principle in the development and location of the Mida’at.          However it should be noted that drinking water was allowed in the mosques and was usually treated as a separate element (Hakim, 1986).
      The Mida’at seen in figure 33,  can be found in the Al-Kabir Mosque.  The place was originally a ruined Roman Basilica, however, the current building has its origins in a Crusader church, erected in 1167 CE.  In 1187 CE, it was turned into a mosque after Salah al-Din’s conquest of Nablus. The mosque has since seen a number of restorations, renovations, and additions during the Ayyubid, Mamluk, Ottoman, and modern periods (Municipality of Nablus, 2011).
       It should be noted that Mida’at seen below is not a common characteristic for the mosques in Nablus.

                                       Figure 33. Mida’at in the Al-Kabir Mosque (Jansons, 2011)
             
Maristan
      The Arab world was once famous for its medicine and hospitals. Almost all large towns had at leat one maristan supported through extensive awaqaf by rulers and princes. Providing medical help was one of the things people expected from their rulers in the postmodern Arab world. Nablus also had a maristan west of the Salahi bank (Sonbol, 2003).
      An urban element that meets this description is Wataniya hospital establablished within Ottoman period located just around 200 hundred meters north from the Old city of Nablus.

Ksar or palace
      Several palaces can be found in the Old city of Nablus. According to Hohmann (2003)  - 25 palaces could be found in the Old city of Nablus. The most recognizable of them would be: Abn Al-Hadi Palace,  Al – Ghazawi Palace, Tuqan Palace (figure 34), Al – Nimr Palace etc.

                                           Figure 34. Ruins of Tuqan Palace (Jansons, 2011)

     Tuqan palace is situated south of the Al – Beik Mosque. It was built by the main scholar of Nablus, Ibrahim Bek bin Salih Basha Tuqan in the second half of the 12th (H)/18th (CE) century, financed by his father. The building consists of a vast space, a southern part, a northern saction, two floors, a special section for receptions (for males) and living quarters for women (Municipality of Nablus 2011). It was destroyed during the Second Intifiada.
     But nowdays those large and complex palaces with many courtyards and deteriorated upper parts are also often divided into small units and reused as a modest living space.

Dar (house)
     In essence the courtyard house and its clustering creates the physical setting that allows the following islamic social and ethical requirements to be achieved:
a.    Privacy – the layout ensures visual privacy from outside or adjacent areas,  allows members of the household to be in contact with nature via the court; the plan also ensures a high standard of acoustical protection (figure 35);

                           Figure 35. Courtyard and pool in Abd Al Hali Palace (Jansons, 2011)

b.    Interdependance – the organizational consequences of the grouping of courtyard houses necessitates a level of interdependance between neighbours with regard to the use and rights of party walls, maintenance of cul-de-sacs, problems related to rain and waste water. This interdependance is compatible with islamic values as they relate to neighbourly relations;

                                     Figure 36. Courtyard in Al – Gharb quarter (Jansons, 2011)

c.    Batin vs Zahir. One of the essential values in Islam is amphasis on the Batin (the inner aspect of self or a thing), and subordination of the Zahir (the external aspect of self or a thing). For example, internal goodness and well being are emphasized and arrogance discouraged. The courtyard house and its aggregate organizational pattern is suitable for the application of this principle. Hence we find that the external walls are kept simple and relatively bare with few openings. The courtyard as the central important space is decorated – when the owner can offord it – to a high level of artistic sophistication, despite the fact that it is accessible to and enjoyed only by the occupants, and occaionally their relatives and close friends (figure 37);

                                 Figure 37. Courtyard in Al – Qaysaryeh quarter (Jansons, 2011)

Massassa
     „In Islam one of the most meritorious of pious deeds is the gift of water. Also the Prophet prescribed that people must share water” (A.E.J. Morris 1994).
     Because of that 14 massasas (water access places) can be found in the Old city of Nablus (figures 38; 39). Some of them are not working, but most are still running providing refreshment during the hot weather conditions.

                  Figure 38. Location of Masassas in the Old city of Nablus (Abdelhamid, 2011)

                        Figure 39. Masassa near Western gate opposite Al-Khader mosque (Jansons, 2011)

trešdiena, 2012. gada 21. marts

Zudusī paaudze

      Ērihs Marija Remarks, šo apzīmējumu lietoja, lai aprakstītu no pirmā pasaules kara atgriezušos jauniešus. Vietām jau izskanējis identisks apzīmējums attiecībā uz nesenajiem vai topošajiem augstskolu beidzējiem – 80-to gadu beigu bērniem.
     Paaudzes no kuras tik daudz tiek prasīts un gaidīts un kurai jākalpo par Latvijas nākotni un tajā pašā laikā, kurai trūkst iespēju sevi realizēt un CV aizpildīt nākošo sadaļu pēc izglītības. Protams nedaudz piečakarēti jūtas teju visi Latvijā dzīvojušie un kritiskas attieksmes paušana pret visu apkārt notiekošo ir teju neiztrūkstoša teikumu konstrukciju sastāvdaļa. Taču tieši zudusī paaudze ir tā, kurai būs jāveido Latvijas nākotne, kurai pavisam drīz būs jāpārņem stafete un kurai aizstājēju un sekotāju ir maz.
     80-to gadu beigas bija ne tikai atmoda, bet arī pēdējais tā saucamais demogrāfiskais dzimstības vilnis un stārķiem sastrēgumstunda, pēc kuras sekoja demogrāfiskais panīkums, kurš nav beidzies vēl joprojām. Arī nesenais dzimstības pieaugums galvenokārt saistīts ar faktu, ka zudusī paaudze ir sasniegusi vecumu, kad rotaļas ieņēmušas citu veidolu. Zudusī paaudze ir paaudze, kurai savs stūrītis nav atradies, par padomju laikiem liecina, tikai zaļgana, apbružāta dzimšanas apliecība, vecāku nostāsti un 4.varas padevīgi sniegtā informācija. Paaudze, kurai bija lemts dzimt un pāriet nākamajā līmenī pārmaiņu laikā.
     Ja staltbriežiem, kuri šobrīd ir vecumā starp 30- 40 pārmaiņas valstī deva iespējas sevi realizēt, tad zudušajiem tādas vairs nav. Staltbrieži bija jauni, ambiciozi, prata murmulēt angliski, un kuri Ļeņina vietā prata citēt rietumos saprotamākus viedos. Protams varam nepiekrist, taču paskatīsimies cik daudzi gan veiksmīgie trīsdesmitgadnieki atzīsies, ka lai gan pirmie soļi lielajā pieaugušo pasaulē nebija viegli, tomēr pastāvēja iespēja tos spert ja bija vēlēšanās un galva uz pleciem. CV piepildīti ar atbildīgiem amatiem vecumā, kad tikko beigta universitāte vai pat joprojām tika deldēti un apzīmēti tās soli. Jaunieši ir klupuši, cēlušies, kārpījušies un aizkārpījušie līdz vēlamajam, bet, kas ir būtiski, ka ir bijusi iespēja to darīt. Protams šāda situācija savā ziņā ir veicinājusi to ainu, kas vērojama pašlaik, jo ambīcijas nereti netika līdzi profesionālismam un pieredzei, taču iespējas slīpēt prasmes, radot mūsu izslavētos jaunos profesionāļus ar kuriem mēs lepojamies bija noteicošās. Bet kas sekos tālāk?
     Neatkarīgās Latvijas laikā kāpostu lauku skaits samazinājās, kā rezultātā arī šī laika bērnu skaits ir visnotaļ neliels un šī paaudze skaitliski nestāv ne tuvu zudušajai paaudzei, kurai lāpas nešanas statuss jāuzņemas nu jau pavisam drīz.
     Ko tad lai dara zudusī paaudze? Paaudze, kuras ienākšanai lielajā pasaulē bija jānotiek laikā, kad valstī iestājās „lielais baigais”. Paaudze, kura kā izrādās nav gana pieredzējusi un profesionāla, lai izstumtu no siltajām vietām, vecos bukus, kuri turpina malt savu maļamo un dažus gadus par sevi vecākos staltbriežus „Oportūnistus”, kuru ragi vecajiem sāk izrādīties pa cietu un meža likumi veidoti pa jaunam.
     Paaudze, kuras pārstāvjiem tīri matemātiski šobrīd vietas lielajā pasaulē nepietiek.  Paaudze, kuras pārstāvji ir nonākuši situācijā, kad iekļūšana Oksfordā ir vienkāršāka nekā noklūšana Statoil draudzīgajā kolektīvā, jo konkurss uz otro ir lielāks. Paaudze, kuras pārstāvji precas arvien vēlāk, vai neprecas nemaz, kurai vērtību sistēmā augstu vietu ieņem pašrealizācija, taču arvien vairāk to dara citu valstu augstskolās, darbavietās, organizācijās utt. Un šeit es nedomāju sēņotājus vai saiņotājus, lai gan arī viņu starpā ir virkne cilvēku, kas spējīgi uz ko vairāk. Arī lielai daļai manu klasesbiedru, studiju biedru un draugu profilos oranžajā vai zilajā portālā rotā citas abreviatūras kā LV. Vai mēs varam viņus par to vainot?
      Es arī esmu zudusīs paaudzes pārstāvis – 23 gadus vecs jaunietis, skolas laikā braukājis pa olimpiādēm, tajā skaitā Baltijas un pasaules mēroga mācību olimpiādēm. Ticējis, ka ģeometriski progresējoši sarkanie cipariņi dienasgrāmatā ir solis tuvāk spožai nākotnei un paradīzes vārtiem, taču galu galā attopoties situācijā, kurā izrādās esmu pārak zaļš, neprofesionāls, ar ķecerīgiem un nekam nederīgiem pasaules uzskatiem, turklāt ar abām rokām kreisajām. Ar tādām prasmēm tak lāpu nevar nest, pat sveci rokās nedrīkst dot. Šīs pašas prasmes kā izrādījās ļāva teicami studēt un pašrealizēties Nīderlandē, būt starp saujiņu izredzēto, ko „Eiropa” nosūtīja pamācīties Okupētajās Palestīniešu teritorijās, pāris dienu laikā ar visiem iepriekš uzskaitītajiem trūkumiem atrast prakses vietu tajā pašā Nīderlandē un arī turpmākajā ceļā redzēt virkni citu iespēju, joprojām esot tik pat nevajadzīgam sarkanbaltsarkanajiem.
     Ko darīt zudušajai paaudzei? Kas notiks ar to? Vai mēs ticam, ka sasmēlušies rietumu gudrības, dabūjuši princesi/princi pie sāniem un gabaliņu karaļvalsts Sprīdīši liks tam visam „mīksto” un čāpos uz mājām? Un pēc 100 gadiem Piebalgā vecāsmātes saviem mazbērniem stāsties par brīnumainu Latvijas atkopšanās stratēģiju, kur  Cuculus canorus valsts atveseļošanas strateģijas ietvaros zudusī paaudze gluži kā dzeguzes bērni, bez izmaksām tika audzināti, skoloti un mācījās lidot svešās ligzdās un lidot iemācījušies atraduši ceļu uz mājām, pa ceļam vēl izstumjot no svešajām ligzdām vietējos vārguļus, tādējādi liekot pamatu nākotnes triumfam. Vai tādas lietas notiek tikai pasakās vai Sprīdīša liktenis ir neizbēgams? Bet Sprīdīti mājās gaidīja un ne tikai tāpēc, ka prom aizejot bija paņēmis līdzi lielo lāpstu!

pirmdiena, 2012. gada 19. marts

Freud in placemaking = Everybody lies (Gregory House)

      Planners suppose to deal with space, organize it etc.  But at first we should understand the space. What is space? I believe in the concept that space is accumulation of social values. The physical environment in the cities is created  by the hands of humans. It is a form of nonverbal communication and  contains a message in itself and usage by people of it is form of communication. It is a dialogue where behavior of people is influenced by nonverbal signals (body language) of physical environment!
     What we know from Freud and his psychoanalytic theory about conscious and uncounscious mind is that nonverbal communication is more true and plays more important role than the verbal. So if  our words sound freindly, but our body language sends signals that we have no interest in communication this is what we would sense, feel and it will affect our response. Don’t take words too seriously, those might be lies, instead take a look at the nonverbal communication (body language).
     Here’s how it works. We get an emotion or an intent, in the unconscious part of our brain. That intent or emotion is expressed first in gesture. Only nanoseconds later does the emotion or intent reach our conscious minds. We literally gesture how we are feeling before we think (consciously) about it (Nick Morgan, 2011) 
     And now an example! In figures 1;2 we see Tel aviv Museum of Arts from King Shaul boulevard and Berkowitz street. It is a public building in a complex with other important buildings (Isareli Opera, Shaar Zion library, Cameri theater, Court House, Golda Meir cultural center and some office buildings) having hundreds of thousands of visitors every year. Words of it are saying – come and take a look at all the things we have! Enjoy! You are welcome! But the nonverbal language of the area itself is saying just the opposite – stay away!

                          
   Fig. 1. View from King Shaul blv. (Jansons, 2012)  Fig. 2. View from Berkowitz st. (Jansons, 2012)

     I believe this principle of (verbal and non-verbal communication) could be applied to physical environment and best way to see those signals is by observations of the communication process (usage of physical environment). If communication proccess is not pleasant and enjoyable it won’t occur if given a choice, because that is the real message sent. Regarding to cities these are the optional  and social activities Gehl, Whyte and Jacobs are talking about (walking and sitting for leisure, sunbathing, watching other people, playing, talking etc.)
     So if the goal is to increase voluntary communication between physical environment and people, the physical environment should send the right signals. Nonverbal signals should be the same as the verbal ones.
     And how to make sure that physical environment is sending the right message? Involve people in placemaking. Allow people to be heard! We know that one of the easiest way’s to encourage social communication and make sure that we listen, is to repeat some of the things our partner have said. The same is with placemaking – involve people, include their messages (thoughts, ideas) into design and placemaking process ensuring that the design (response) follow the prefered usage.

sestdiena, 2012. gada 17. marts

Ugly but perfect

      After returning to Groningen one of the first things I noticed was the new.... construction for Tourist information center in the heart of Groningen.
      It looks like Mayan temple who have blocked the square! How did it get there? How something like this was even possible? Especially if we remember that proposal to build underground parking failed because of active protests. And now this .... thing is being tolerated (figures 1, 2).

                    Figure 1. View in 2011 (Jansons, 2011)      Figure 2. View in 2012 (Jansons, 2012)

     But a month has passed and I have changed my mind. Despite the fact that it doesn’t look beautiful this construction might be one of the best things for the city of Groningen.
     People willing to take photos from it, of it, or just take an overlook of the square, climb it. People waiting for others sit on the steps, people reading books, newspapers, eating or just chillin sit there and people walking around take a look at them, make comments and enjoy what they see, because nothing attracts and entertains people more than other people. It serves so many functions increasing the amount of optional activities (sitting, waiting, eating, sunbathing, chillin etc.) and  working as a katalysator for social activities (greatings, conversations, passive contacts etc.) If we take a look at the pictures we see than most of the people are in groups of 2 or 3 which is a great indicator of quality of this place. They are here because this is their choice and they enjoy their time. (figure 3;4;5)


                        Figure 3. Clustering (Jansons, 2012)    Figure 4. Optional activities (Jansons, 2012)

     Physical environment around us is reflection of social values and processes and this building represents it perfectly... it might not be beautiful but it has different role in the city.

                                                              Figure 5. Social life (Jansons, 2012)

     Public spaces  like Grote Markt are like playgrounds and playgrounds are meant for games and playing and this is what the construction is doing. It’s is the cool ungly toy!

pirmdiena, 2012. gada 2. janvāris

Communicative Planning and Radical Planning in the context of Palestine


            Within a course of Planning Theory we were asked to write a paper about two planning ideas we discussed during the semester in the context of Palestine. After a carefull consideration I decided to write about communicative planning and radical planning.
       The most valuable characteristics of communicative planning and radical planning is bottom – up approach and belief that small things matter.
           The goal of radical planning is social transformation and creation of „good society”, emancipation from social oppresion by state and inadequality by the market. The goal of communicative planning is justice which could be achieved through just process. Because of that I believe that adoptation of these two approaches would lead to improved quality of life and situation in Palestine.
         In order to structure the paper I will focus on three main fields : Arabic – Islamic city building and planning traditions to show that there have been  already experience of communicative planning in Palestine, social structure of palestinian society to illustrate the need for radical planning and limitations of planning and lack of trust in authority that excludes top – bottom planning approaches and in combination with the previous arguments shows the need for communicative and radical planning.

Arabic – Islamic building and planning traditions

             Since the main religion in Palestine is Islam for centuries the basic principles and guidelines of the building and planning process and its framework were derived from the essence and spirit of Islam. Nowdays the contemporary planning regulations in use are copied from the West and reflect Western social values.
In addition to an accepted tradition of land – use allocation on a macro scale, the Arabic – Islamic city followed principles affecting land or building use on a micro scale (Hakim, 1986).
According to Saoud (2002) design principles stemmed from Sharia law in terms of physical and social relations between public and private realms, and between neighbors and social groups. The privacy principle was made into law which sets the height of the wall above the height of camel rider. This as well as the laws of property rights, for example, were all factors determining the form of the Arabic - Islamic city.
It means that for centuries in Islamic cities bottom – up planning approach were applied and worked successfully. Ben  - Hamouche (2011) adds that succession law was the most important implementation of this concept  and played important role in the creation of urban pattern in Arabic – Islamic cities therefore it is neccessary to take a closer look at it.

 Islamic succession law is believed to lie at the basis of the birth and development of both algebra and geometry in Islamic civilization. Socially, Islamic succession law is deeply rooted in Muslim communities. It intervenes at turning points in life, that is death and birth. Social interactions, regeneration and shifts of property are believed to be a major factor behind complexity of Muslim cities (Ben  - Hamouche 2011).
Also according to jurists, any property that belonged to deceased person is considered to be an inheritable asset to be subdivided, no matter how small or large, therefore it is a combination of arithmetic, sociology and geometry. Share are well defined acoording to kinship and family relationships (figure 1) (Ben  - Hamouche 2011).


Figure 1. The prescribed shares of heirs apparent according to their status and under some conditions. (Source: Ben – Hamouche, 2011)


A direct impact on the morphology of such derivative concept of domestic space was the setting of property lines after each new subdivision. Following the construction of walls and the lines of interior partitions, only rooms and other undividable elements appear to maintain the integrity in the urban fabric. Two opposite entrances, each of which opens onto a different courtyard (figure 2). By way of recurrence, many houses, after removing the lines of subdivision, could be reconstructed into their initial state, in which for instance, they had larger courtyards and simpler shapes as blocks, and were surrounded by larger roads (Ben – Hamouche, 2011).


Figure 2. The impact of succession law on the urban geometry in old Muslim cities. Fractality in lines of urban fabric and the process of land subdivison (Source: Ben – Hamouche, 2011)

 
This example of succession law ilustrates a history of something that already embodied the basic principles of communicative planning. The belief that justice could be achieved through just process and just process leads to just outcomes. Many things have changed since that and I believe that in the process of adoptation of  Western values, society found itself confused of what is good, what is bad and what is worth preserving. I am not suggesting complete returning to the traditional values but the history of the unique planning approach that worked successfully for centuries shows that there is already experience with communicative planning and this lesson could be adopted in the future.
Structure of society
               As far as I am concerned two of the key words to describe the society of Palestine are isolation and segregation. By isolation I mean not only isolation of Gaza from Westbank, but also isolation from the rest of the world, from families abroad. Isolation of each other not only because of the areas A, B and C, but also because of the social barriers which have led to segregated society.
              The figure below is symbolic (figure 3). It shows the palestninian controled areas in Westbank as islands. Islands isolated from each other, islands unique form each other, islands of different size and distance form each other. That might be as well society of palestinians.
                Supporters of Hamas, supporters of Fatah, believers in one state solution, believers in two state solution, believers in no solution, people from refugee camps, refugees from 1948,  people living in Amria or Rawabi, people living in villages, people living next to the Israeli settlements or in one of the 11 palestinian cities, people holding Jordanian passport, people from different families, people with different goals and beliefs etc.  And what is common, that the gap between islands is increasing.



Figure 3. Palestinian controled areas in West Bank (Source: Body on the line, 2009)


Taking into account the diversity, segregation and isolation of society the bottom – up planning approaches and initiatives are the ones that could work. I believe that there  is an accute need for social transformation, transforming the social, political, and economic structures that create and maintain this status quo. But people should find a common goals beside the ending of occupation. Can people do that? I guess they can. They were doing that all the time. That was the way how the society and urban structure of cities were developing for centuries.
Saoud (2002)  claims, that: the social organisation of the urban society was based on social groupings sharing the same blood, ethnic origin and cultural perspectives. Development was therefore directed towards meeting these social needs especially in terms of kinship solidarity, defence, social order and religious practices. Such groups included; Arabs, Moors, Jews and other groups . These were reflected in the concept of quarters known as Ahiaa (in the Mashraq) or Huma (in the Maghreb).

Old city of Nablus with its 6 quarters is good example of it (figure 4).


Figure 4. Residential quarters in the Old City of Nablus (Source:Abdelhamid, 2011)


Therefore I believe that there are all preconditions for these changes to happen, but what is missing is a pushing factors, belief in future, belief in common good, belief that big things is a sum of many small things.

Limitations of planning and lack of trust and belief in authority
              In order to illustrate the limitations of planning in Palestine I will use Amria neighborhood in Nablus as an example.
Demand for land is high, therefore Palestine’s cities are very vulnerable to the effects of urban sprawl and skyrocketing land prices. Also because of the occupation supply of land due to geographical and political reasons - division in A, B and C areas cannot meet the demand and additional restrictions exist on how and where landowners and developers can build.
            Also because of the fact, that most of land is owned by private owners the housing projects realized in order to enlarge the housing-stock are oriented towards high – income and middle – class families creating low – density, car – oriented, socially segregated areas. Like the one in Amria (Figure 5;6;7).
             Amria neighborhood  which is part of the new Nablus is located on the slopes of Gerizim mountain in the Western part of the city, close to the New Campus of An – Najah National University.                
 

Figure 5. Middle –class housing in Amria neighborhood (Jansons, 2011)

Figure 6. Car oriented environment in Amria (Jansons, 2011)


Figure 7. Project for middle-class housing (Jansons, 2011)

This example suggests that the contemporary planning regulations today in Palestine are copied from the West and reflect Western social values. They encourage segregation based on plot size, which invariably means economic and social segregation.
This is the type of development that created the ideas of communicative and radical planning in the first place.
Also there is tremendous lack of trust and believe in authority. First of all, due to political reasons the Palestinian authority don’t have much of a power in general, and also the authors experience suggests that people don’t believe in the authority often calling it corrupted or as the puppets of Israel. Adding these reasons to the high percentage of private ownership and the reasons discussed before to the whole picture, I believe that there is no other way than bottom – up planning and dealing with small things that would improve the big picture.

Conclusions

As we saw earlier, there is already experience of some sort of communicative, bottom – up, small scale planning in Palestine. Because of this experience, social structure of palestinian society and limitation on planning as well as lack of trust and belief in authority I believe communicative planning and radical planning approaches are the ones that could make changes in Palestine.
How to apply and adopt these approaches? I don’t know the answer to this question. The time I have spend here is too short to make such suggestions. But I can say that these changes should strat from the bottom, with small things on personal level which by snowball effect could lead to changes Palestine is looking for. Think big, act small!


References

Published sources
Ben – Hamouche, M., 2011. Fractial Geometry in Muslim cities: How Succesion Law Shaped Morphology NEXUS Network Journal Vol. 13, No.1. pp. 235 – 251

Hakim, B., 1986. Arabic – Islamic Cities: Building and Planning Principles. Kegan Paul, London

Unpublished and Internet sources
Saoud R. 2002. Introduction to the Islamic city [Online] Available: http://members.fortunecity.com/ymahgoub/Introduction%20to%20the%20Islamic%20City.pdf
[Accessed 18.12.2011]

Abdelhamid, A. „Urban development of Nablus City: Interrrelationships and Integration between Old Town and New City.” Lecture given 5th October 2011 at An- Najah National University, Nablus – Palestine.

Body on the line, 2009.  The west bank does not = Palestine (just a very small, diminishing part of it)